The Common Core State Standard - 1492 Words

When looking over the Loveless article, the paper seemed to have a very negative view of the Common Core State Standard. The part that was most interesting to me throughout the reading was when Loveless referred to the furthering of teacher development with the Common Core Standard. The article was very persuasive for someone who had not known a great deal about the Common Core and led me to believe that it was not a helpful tool to the teaching community. Nonetheless, once I did some deeper research I found myself taking a different approach then Loveless did in his article. I believe that through the Common Core Standards teachers will become superior teachers through changing teaching styles, implementing mentoring programs, and providing ongoing support. Once I started to further research professional development I came across an article that had an overview of what teachers could do in order to adapt to The Common Core Standards. It stated that teachers should innovate their way of teaching into a form of asking questions, as well as, promoting self-learning. â€Å"The Common Core State Standards for English Language and Literacy in History/Social Studies, Science, and Technical subjects have necessitated reforms that include an instructional shift in instructional strategies† (Giouroukakis Cohen, 2014). One approach to improve in their classrooms would be through changing the way teachers are teaching their students. Another action that teachers can implement The CommonShow MoreRelatedThe Common Core State Standards764 Words   |  4 PagesThe Common Core State Standards are a state attempt to create strong educational standards. The standard are created to ensure that students in the country are learning and grasping the information that are given in the classrooms for them to succeed academically. The Common Core plan included governors and education commissioners form forty-eight states and the District of Columbia. They wanted to make sure th e standards are relevant, logical and sequential. For content all subjects must have critical-thinkingRead MoreThe Common Core State Standards 1791 Words   |  7 Pagesnew Common Core State Standards for Mathematics bring a new opportunity to the classrooms of the United States that many people view as a controversial. According to the NCTM (2013) â€Å"The Common Core State Standards offer a foundation for the development of more rigorous, focused, and coherent mathematics curricula, instruction, and assessments that promote conceptual understanding and reasoning as well as skill fluency† (par. 1). While some people believe that the Common Core State Standards mayRead MoreThe Common Core State Standards1733 Words   |  7 PagesCommon Core, these two words have come to mean more, in the past four years, than two words with no similarities. 43 out of 50 states are signed on to the Common Core State Standards as of now (Khadaroo). This paper will review the good, the bad and the alternatives to the Common Core, from the eyes of a student that is affected by these standards everyday. Through researching this topic, it has become apparent that the common core has good intentions, however bad implementations. Forty PercentRead MoreThe Common Core State Standards Essay1433 Words   |  6 Pagesyour life? The Common Core State Standards (CCSS) not only standardizes education, but it makes comprehension and intricate tool of the learning process. When it comes to American public education, the diagnosis has been offered that our schools suffer from a lack of consistent standards from coast to coast about what our kids should leave school knowing. The fix that has been adopted in a number of states in the last few years is a set of standards called the Common Core State Standards (CCSS), whichRead MoreThe Common Core State Standards881 Words   |  4 PagesIn 2009, states around the country began adopting the Common Core State Standards. These standards were put in place to ensure that each child was on the same academic level by high school graduation. As the global marketplace becomes increasingly more competitive, the United States hopes that Common Core will enable the coming generati ons to be better prepared. As of right now, my working thesis is Common Core is overall unsuccessful in its effort, and discontinuing or, at the least, replacingRead MoreCommon Core State Standards760 Words   |  3 PagesCommon Core State Standards, or Common Core for short, has been making headlines in 2014. Not a curriculum, Common Core is a set of standards defining the skills in which students from kindergarten through 12th grade need to have each year in order to be prepared for the next grade. Creating these national academic standards was a state-led initiative that included a coalition of educators and governors. Administrators, educators and parents participated in the developement of the actual standardsRead MoreThe Common Core State Standards Essay1271 Words   |  6 Pages2009 the Common Core State Standards, or CCSS, was initiated, and since then has become a large part of education today. News shows in multiple states have shown students protesting these new standa rds by skipping classes and school all together. These actions obviously show their refusal to work with the new standards. While there are many teachers who are happy with these standards, students still need to be convinced, and teachers can help this by supporting Common Core State Standards. This inRead MoreThe Common Core State Standards937 Words   |  4 Pages Forty-two states, along with the District of Columbia have adopted Common Core State Standards. These standards were created to focus only on English and Mathematics. An effect of states adopting Common Core State Standards is that all other subjects taught in school were emphasized less. History, Science, and many other subjects are no longer stressed; therefore students are limited to being proficient in only two subjects. The Common Core deprives students’ ability to be skilled in multiple areasRead MoreThe Common Core State Standards1298 Words   |  6 Pagesterms of core subject content, as well as though social activity and elective/activity courses. However, there has often been a disconnect between different states and districts over what exactly should be in the curriculum for various grades and what is needed to prepare students for life beyond school, as well as providing little basis for comparing the US to other countries. That’s where Common Core State St andards (CCSS) come in. According to Teaching in the Middle School (2012), the Common CoreRead MoreThe Common Core State Standards1282 Words   |  6 PagesThe Common Core State Standards (CCSS) initiative is a plan to restructure the educational system in the United States and provide students with a high-quality education. Many states have adopted and are implementing these standards. In our fast changing world, different skills are needed to do the jobs our society has to offer. Upon completion of high school, these students need to be equipped to either enter the workforce prepared to meet the demands of their employers or to enter college prepared

The Moral Hazards Of A Moral Hazard - 1440 Words

A moral hazard is an occasion in which there is a lack of incentives to prevent against possible risks because one is protected from the consequences that could occur. Such a moral hazard can regularly occur in a crisis in terms of how people in higher positions react to handling such a situation. If someone like a banker has the confidence that they would be bailed out if a crisis occurs it provides them with an incentive to practice risker business practices. In the situation of a crisis that is already underway the government is unable to let large and prominent financial institutions fail. As a result they must bail them out and in such an action they create a moral hazard. It provides the financial sector an incentive to practice†¦show more content†¦Bush on October 3rd, 2008. Some of the recipients of this bail out were and continue to be large financial institutions including Wells Fargo Co., JP Morgan Chase Co., Goldman Sachs Group Inc., and Morgan Stanley. In thi s situation the banks are not only able to continue risky behavior, but take little to no responsibility for their actions in causing such a situation. Fundamentally, if the financial institutions were bailed out once it has set a precedent for other financial institutions to view and believe that taking part in risky behavior will not affect them in the long run. Another situation of a moral hazard can be identified through the situation of IMF lending. The International Monetary Fund is a lender of last resort for member countries and provides financial support for countries going through economic strife. Through such lending some believe that the IMF is promoting a moral hazard. If a country believes that through being a member of the IMF they will always be bailed out they may take that fact and involve themselves in riskier behavior. Furthermore, it would also not only create a moral hazard for the country being helped, but for other member countries as well. Other countries m ay view the situation of the IMF bailing out a country and may believe that they themselves will also be bailed out. As a result, the officials of these countries may allow the country to involve themselves inShow MoreRelatedMoral Hazard1736 Words   |  7 PagesPONZI SCHEME: MORAL HAZARD PROBLEM Banks have been at the forefront of the financial system for as long as they have existed and have captured the attention of stakeholders on both controversial grounds as well as being undisputed with regards to the many helpful services they provide. JP Morgan amp; Chase is one such bank, surrounded by hostile news articles and excessive scrutiny but rightfully so as it has of recent been the topic of much controversy as turning a blind eye to the moral codes establishedRead MoreMoral Hazard : Ethical Hazard1291 Words   |  6 PagesMoral hazard is â€Å"where one side of the market cannot observe the actions of the other† (1 R. Varian Hal, Intermediate microeconomics, 7th Edition, 2006). Being a part of asymmetric information where one party knows more information than the other, moral hazard is where the actions from an individual cannot be quantified by the other. In this case the seller’s actions of livestock cannot be quantified or unobserved by the buyer of live stock. The goal of this essay is to discuss the effects of moralRead MoreMoral Hazard And Ethical Hazard1068 Words   |  5 Pages1. Moral Hazard a. Moral hazard is the possibility for an individual to act in a different and detrimental way when working on behalf of another person because they are not properly monitored. Moral hazard can arise from asymmetric information, where one party has more information about a transaction than the other party. For example, a worker is working on behalf of their employer. If that employer does not properly monitor this employee, they may decide to slack on their job, negatively impactingRead More Moral Hazard in Banking Essays715 Words   |  3 PagesMoral Hazard in Banking Moral hazard is an asymmetric information problem that occurs after a transaction. In essence, a lender runs the risk that a borrower will engage in activities that are undesirable from the lenders point of view, making it less likely that the loan will be paid back. Gary H. Sterns article, Managing Moral Hazard with Market Signals: How Regulation Should Change with Banking, addresses the moral hazard problem inherent to the financial safety net provided by theRead MoreEssay about Moral Hazard675 Words   |  3 PagesThe theme of moral hazard comes up numerous times throughout the movie, Too Big To Fail and is an extremely important factor when considering what happened in September of 2007 and its consequences. By definition, moral hazard is, â€Å"the risk that a party to a transaction has not entered into the contract in good faith, has provided misleading information about its assets, liabilities or credit capacity, or has an incentive to take unusual risks in a desperate attempt to earn a profit before the contractRead MoreMoral Hazard And The Banking System2418 Words   |  10 Pages Moral Hazard and the Banking System ACCT 6377: Corporate Governance Zachary Seay The University of Texas at Dallas â€Æ' Introduction The moral hazard of bank bailouts is a very simple idea enveloped in a very complex issue. Back in late 2007 to mid-2009 the United States and the global economy faced one of the worst recessions the world has ever seen. In fact the time period has been dubbed the Great Recession. Now at a broad level this recession was caused essentially by our large banks buyingRead MoreAsymmetric Information And Moral Hazard2040 Words   |  9 PagesInformation problems such as asymmetric information and moral hazard are critical for innovative ventures, which can have a hard time forecasting future cash flow. The banks are usually less informed then the venture capitalists, which creates higher demands for returns from the entrepreneur in order to break even. (Masako Ueda, 2004, p. 601) The value added venture capitalists have a better understanding of the technical milestones and are therefore better equipped to monitor new ventures, whichRead MoreThe Moral Hazard Myth By Malcolm Gladwell1218 W ords   |  5 Pagesbut coming up with a smart, efficient solution to a problem takes some consideration. Malcolm Gladwell acknowledges such a quandary regarding the health care industry of America in his work â€Å"The Moral Hazard Myth†. He agrees that America’s health care industry has been negatively affected by the â€Å"moral hazard† theory, which claims that having insurance changes the behavior of the insured for the worse. This theory predicts that someone who has generous health insurance is more likely to visit his doctorRead MoreEssay on Moral Hazard Argument Agains Geoengineering1245 Words   |  5 PagesMoral Hazard Argument Against Geoengineering Geoengineering can be a risky option to counter climate change, not just because it is not verified on the results that could happen but the unpredictable changes that it could bring to the Earth and new problems that were never expected. There are many uncertainties dealing with Geoengineering of the climate. Before making a case on which argument against geoengineering poses the most significant challenge, the biggest component is understanding whatRead MoreHealth Insurance : Moral Hazard And Adverse Selection1573 Words   |  7 PagesBy far the biggest weakness in the health technology debate is that HIT does not address the fundamental issues that leave to expensive health care: moral hazard and adverse selection (Blumenthal, 2006). Moral hazard is the idea that if consumers have generous health insurance, they over utilize health services. This concept—supported by the RAND health insurance experiment—raises the overall price of health care in U.S. Adverse selection is the idea that mainly sick patients purchase insurance and

Cuba Essay Research Paper The idea that free essay sample

Cuba Essay, Research Paper The thought that the Cuban Revolution of 1959 was a peasant revolution or had a peasant character is awidely held misconception, one which has been dispersed by the Rebels post-revolutionary rhetoric and the wealth ofsympathetic cognition which based its reading of the revolution upon this propaganda. To delegate an event ascomplex as the Cuban Revolution any peculiar nature is a drastic simplification and confuses the many factorswhich led to the revolution and its triumph. Bing the supporters in the originating the revolutionists themselvesunderstood really clearly that their revolution was non the consequence of merely the provincials support, so they must hold hadcertain grounds for retracing the revolution the manner they did. The first component to look over is the reconstructionitself, through the post-revolutionary propaganda, and to find precisely what sort of a vision the Rebels wanted topromote as the rebellion. Next the existent revolution will be studied and compared to the Rebels imagined revolution. Finally, some of the possible grounds for the Rebels divergence will be stated and the revolution itself will bereexamined sing the thoughts brought frontward. When Castro and his group reached Cuba on the Granma December 2, 1956, their scheme, as they stated atthe clip and admitted subsequently, was to take Santiago with the aid of Frank Pais urban insurrectional organisation, andthen attack the remainder of Cuba from at that place in coordination with a immense general work stoppage ( Bonachea A ; San Martin, 1974 ) .This portion anarcho-syndicalist, portion Blanquist scheme was rapidly delayed, nevertheless, as the onslaught on Santiago failedon all sides and the guerillas were forced to fly to the Sierra Maestra. The Rebels in the mountains rapidly cameinto contact with the provincials at that place and a concerted relationship began to develop between the two after initialmistrust by the provincials. The provincials who had to digest the persecution of Batista s military units bit by bit beganto alter their attitude toward us. They fled to us for safety to take part in our guerilla units. In this manner our rankand file changed from metropolis people to provincials ( Lavan, 1967, p.10 ) . Out of this practical relationship, which CheGuevara explained in April 1959, grew the mythology that became the revolution s bequest. Guevara subsequently said theguerrilla and the provincial became joined into a individual mass, so that # 8230 ; we became portion of the provincials ( Thomas, 1977, p.154 ) . It was this cryptic bond that gave the revolution as a whole its peasant nature. By populating with the provincials, the Rebels explained, they had come to experience for their demands, the rule demand being set down reform. Therefore, as Guevaraexplained, the Rebels adopted their land reform motto which mobilized the laden Cuban multitudes to comeforward to contend and prehend the land. From this clip on the first great societal program was determined, and it subs equently becamethe streamer and primary spearhead of our motion ( Lavan, 1967, p.11 ) . The post-revolutionary vision was one in which land reform was the spearhead, and the intellectuals werethe spearbearer, for, as Castro explained in February 1962, the peasantry is a category which, because of the unculturedstate in which it is unbroken needs the radical and political leading of the radical intellectuals, for withoutthem it would non by itself be able to immerse into the battle and accomplish triumph ( Kenner, Martin, A ; Petras, 1969, p.113 ) . From the mountains, this united peasant-rebel force would brush down into the field and gaining control the citiesfrom the countryside. The Rebels wanted the universe to believe that the full revolution had merely succeeded throughvast campesino engagement. The other radical component that the Rebels sharply reconstructed, after they took power, was therole of the urban opposition. As theirs was a peasant revolution, the metropoliss had to hold played a secondary axial rotation, somuch clip was spent understating the function of the metropoliss in the revolution. The rebels anti-city propaganda took twoforms theoretical and practical. Theoretically, Castro stated in 1966, It is absurd and about condemnable to seek and directguerrillas from the metropolis ( Kenner et al, 1969, p.132 ) . The urban Rebels were excessively ready to compromise and maketruces, they could non understand the guerilla and would most likely work against them. Several cases of therebels disclaiming their urban opposite numbers aid to carry through this theoretical consideration. It was after the failure of thegeneral work stoppage of 9 April, 1958, Guevara claimed, that the Rebels realized that the urban motion could non win ( Lavan, 1967, p.11 ) . The urban revolution can all excessively easy be smothered by the authorities ( AlRoy, 1972, p.9 ) and therefore the countryside was the necessary site for the revolution. The revolution that these work forces created was one ofbasic provincial base and character, led by a little group of intellectuals which had gained the peasant category awarenessthrough sympathetic contact, and that swept over the counterrevolutionary metropoliss on its manner to get downing a governmentwhich would be the best friend of the provincials ( Kenner et al, 1969, p.58 ) . The genuineness of this image isobviously dubious. Although it has its protagonists, the earliest possibly being Huberman and Sweezy in their book, Cuba: Anatomy of a Revolution, most of the facts on which they base their findings are clouded, in this instance, gottenduring a short visit to Cuba with interviews from merely high ranking leaders. What is of import nevertheless, is to obtainwhat of the Rebels post-facto vision is grounded in fact and what is a good constructed fiction. From there aconclusion may be reached as to the ground for their historical misrepresentation. The best manner to analyse the revolution is chronol ogically, get downing with the unfortunate landing of theGranma and following the development of the revolution from at that place. This brings up the first deformation of history, thatbecause the Rebel party consisted of merely 82 guerillas, rapidly cut down to eighteen before they reached theSierra Maestra, it is assumed that it was the extraordinary gallantry of this little group that eventually defeated thegovernment. This ignores the fact that there was already a tenable urban rebellion motion, on which theguerrilla set would depend on wholly. The urban M-26-7 group, under the way of Frank Pais, was awaitingCastro s reaching to take Santiago. In add-on there was besides the Directorio Revolucionario, led by Echevarria, dedicated to violent urban rebellion. These two groups, along with many other organisations and persons, wouldprovide much needed support to Castro when it was most indispensable. Quickly after the Granma catastrophe, Castro and his compatriots regrouped in the S ierra Maestra, the country towhich they were to withdraw in instance of failure ( Bonachea A ; San Martin, 1974, p.78 ) . They did so with the aid ofthe local peasantry, who led them through the dense forests to happen each other ( Bonachea A ; San Martin, 1974, p.89 ) .The Rebels set up a base to run their operations. These operations nevertheless, shortly involved much more than singleencounters with rural guard barracks ; as they lived in the thick of provincials, they depended on them, non merely forguides or buying supplies, but on their trueness. The provincials had no understanding for the rural guard, but neither didthey for the Rebels, therefore, they would frequently turn informer on Castro and his work forces ( Bonachea A ; San Martin, 1974, p.90 ) . In order to antagonize this, Castro set up a system of barbarous but just radical justness. All betrayers wereexecuted instantly, and the executings were advertised widely in the peasant population. At the same clip, never theless, the Rebels were really just in their commercial traffics with the provincials, and Castro established a strictrevolutionary codification to maintain his soldiers in line, including commissariats specifying colza and other offenses against thepeasantry as a capital discourtesy. Although the radical jurisprudence was rough, at least it was non elected, and the peasantsgradually came to see the revolutionists as the jurisprudence of the Sierra. The Sierras provincials were cognizant that theirsurvival and security depended chiefly on whether they helped the guerillas or non ( Bonachea A ; San Martin, 1974, p.91 ) , one bookman wrote. Thus the provincials were half terrorized, half encouraged to back up the guerillas over thebatistianos. The function of the provincials within the motion was non every bit heroic as it was subsequently made out to be. Of the troopsthemselves, figures differ as to the proportion of provincials to urban recruits. Bonachea A ; San Martin, for illu stration, states that a bulk of the Rebel forces were metropolis people, largely immature, educated, and male ( 1974, p. 95 ) . Tosupport this statement is the March 3, 1957, motion of fifty-two armed and supplied work forces from Santiago to theSierra. Harmonizing to Bonachea A ; San Martin, the figure of guerillas continued to turn due to these regular urbaninflows, despite regular provincial abandonments, who would instead return to their little, unproductive secret plans of land ( 1974, p.95 ) . Huberman and Sweezy on the other manus, claim that from three-fourthss to four-fifths of the rebelforces were provincials ( 1961, p.78 ) . However, the thought that peasant support in the forces, at any degree, would give therevolution a peasant character is disputed by two facts. First, the provincials were non promoted to officers and, in fact, most were non even soldiers ; they were chiefly used for transit and communicating. Since there were nopeasants in leading, it is difficult to believe that the motion had any true peasant nature. Second, every bit tardily as May1958, even the most Revolutionary sympathetic authors merely put the entire figure of guerillas at three hundred ( Huberman A ; Sweezy, 1961, p.63 ) . Even if they were all provincials, three hundred provincials barely seems like amassive popular motion. As Castro s motion in the hills began to convey together his clasp on the land and the people, Pais beganplanning earnestly for a general work stoppage, which was to co-occur with Castro s outgrowth from the Sierra and attackupon metropoliss ( Bonachea A ; San Martin, 1974, p.142 ) . Bonachea A ; San Martin make a point here that Pais was still thereal leader of the M-26-7, and that Castro was still low-level to him ( 1974, p.146 ) . The general work stoppage was the realweapon, Castro was merely at that place to take over one time the work stoppage had immobilized Cuba. However, Echevarria, who hadalso been involved in be aftering the work stop page, was killed in March, and Pais was killed in July, so the lone revolutionaryleader left was Castro. Desiring to do his base even firmer before the work stoppage began, Castro instructed all otherrevolutionary motions to maintain him good supplied in the Sierra ( Bonachea A ; San Martin, 1974, p.146 ) . Since hewas the lone popular leader staying, Castro s power, support, and resources grew vastly. In September, there was an rebellion at the Cayo Loco Naval Base in Cienfuegos which involved planningbetween the M-26-7 and naval officers. Bing a secret plan begun chiefly by the armed forces, it did non necessitate Castro s aid. Therevolt ended in full urban warfare between the M-26-7 forces and the crewmans against Batista s ground forces military personnels. The deficiency of coordination between the metropoliss prevented the motion from turning, and the rebellion tungsten as shortly stopped by Batistaand was followed by really barbarous repression ( Bonachea San Martin, 1974, p. 147 ) . But what this event truly shows, is that there was already contention in the military due merely to gross out with Batista. At this clip besides, the Directorio Revolucionario sent eight hundred guerillas to the Sierra Escambray inorder to set up an urban and rural guerilla battle ( Bonachea San Martin, 1974, p.184 ) . A few months subsequently, Raul Castro was sent to the Sierra Cristal to set up the 2nd forepart, Frank Pais. Once once more the development of the 2nd forepart in Oriente was mostly the consequence of the urban belowground attempts of Mayari, Gauntanamo, andSantiago de Cuba ( Bonachea San Martin, 1974, p.191 ) . It is interesting to compare Raul Castro s intervention of thepeasants with his brothers. Raul had a much more democratic attitude, he let provincials lift up as far in the rebel officerranks as they could, where Fidel had no officer provinci als. However this democratic attitude was non merely for thepeasants, Raul besides encouraged agricultural workers and mineworkers in the country to fall in his forces. This resulted in muchpopular support for Raul in the encompassing country. Therefore, during the summer of 1957 up to April 1958 the revolutionwas turning in the Sierra Maestra, in military Numberss, and on two new foreparts. However, as Che Guevara stated inNovember 1957, they were still expecting the general work stoppage. The Sierra Maestra is geting at the terminal of its fortresscommitment, and is acquiring ready to establish its hosts of battlers across the fields ( Lavan, 1967, p.37 ) . Victorywas professed on two things, Che stated, the combustion of canefields and the general work stoppage which will be the finalblow. The general work stoppage is the unequivocal arm ( Lavan, 1967, p.37 ) . At this point the rebellion was still no more of a peasant revolution so it was when the Granma wentashore. The revoluti on still consisted of rural guerillas dependant on the urban resistance for military personnels, supplies, andultimately, a general work stoppage among the workers and organized by the urban resistance made it possible for them tomove from the hills. The provincials had influence merely in the lesser of the two foreparts, and even at that place, it was shared withthe working category. The general work stoppage was eventually planned by Castro for April 1958. The grounds for its dramatic failure arecontroversial, but a few facts which emerge point toward a sensible account. Fidel called the work stoppage and, againstthe advice of the M-26-7 who felt they were non ready, forced the radical leaders to follow. Then he did notdeliver the weaponries he had promised them and without which the work stoppage was impossible. It was such a catastrophe that anyplan for future work stoppages was hopeless. It appears that Castro intended for the work stoppage to be a failure in order tocompletely consolidate his power at the caput of the revolution. His power had grown to the point that he felt hecould licking Batista, and he needed to extinguish the opportunity that the urban revolutionists would steal his power. Thiswas subsequently confirmed at the May 3rd meeting, which Guevara claimed as the official shifting of all power to thecountryside, that is, to Castro ( Bonachea San Martin, 1974, p.215 ) . The other strategic benefit which Castro obtained from the work stoppages failure was to coerce Batista intoconfrontation. Castro had house control over the Sierra Maestra, but he could non contend Batista s ground forces off fromthere. He needed Batista to direct his military personnels up to the Sierra Maestra, where his guerilla tactics could win. This planworked, as Batista s officers, encouraged by the failed work stoppage, forced Batista to assail the Sierra Maestra and convey anend to the revolution. On June 28, after heavy recruiting, Batista s summer offense began. The dry component of thiswas that most of his recruits were provincials, many from the Oriente state ( Bonachea San Martin, 1974, p.29 ) .However, the Sierra was non the lone topographic point where conflicts had begun, on April 16, Batista declared a province ofemergency, and began the most barbarous crackdown of his government. Partially in protest of this and partially in support ofCastro, the urban revolution escalated, turning the metropoliss into practical battlefields. Due to the really efficient organisation which he had developed, Castro was winning against Batista scampaign. This was a morale encouragement to the revolutionists everyplace. Unit of measurements grew in all sectors, the five to sixthousand urban revolutionists contending during the summer grew more legion, and resistance in the armed forcesincreased ( Bonachea San Martin, 1974, p. 263 ) . Castro s Rebels so left the Sierra and headed west, capturing cityafter metropolis and climaxing with Santa Clara. Duri ng this clip, the urban revolutionists was indispensable to the rebelvictories. The Rebels numbered no more than two 100 and 50, and Batista s ground forces was still in the 10s ofthousands ( Huberman Sweezy, 1961, p.69 ) . However, in each town, the Batistian ground forces s morale had beenlowered so much by the urban revolutionists that the Rebels seldom needed to fire a shooting to obtain triumph. Anotherprobable cause of the ground forces s deficiency of motive was Batista s inhuman treatment. The soldiers had no desire to contend for a manthat persecuted their friends and households. One last ground could be the repute of Castro and his Rebels, their great, bloody triumph over the regular ground forces was well-known, and few of the poorly trained military personnels wanted to challengethem. Although the Rebels succeeded without the general work stoppage itself, through the urban revolutionists and thetroops deficiency of morale, the same stoping was reached and the Rebels too k over urban Cuba despite their lesser Numberss. So the guerillas took over Cuba and declared it a peasant revolution. However, it seems clear that, nomatter how it is judged, the revolution was surely non characterized by the peasantry. The guerrilla-peasant unionwas one of convenience, the provincials were merely the instrument in which the guerillas were forced to run. Theynever spoke of any particular connexion with the provincials until good after the revolution, allow alone aid or swear themany more so they needed to make their ain ends. And in return, the guerillas neer received aggregate support fromthe provincials ; they would still fall in Batista s ground forces with the same enthusiasm as they ever had. Even the spearhead ofthe revolution, agricultural reform, was begun by the guerillas, and there is much argument as to whether the peasantsactually cared about acquiring land at all. The beginning of the Land Reform Law stated that its intent was to diversify the Cuban ec onomic system and assist the industrialisation of the state ( Goldenberg, 1966, p.218 ) . Beyond theirexcellent service as watchers the provincials had about no function in the revolution. The urban revolutionists, nevertheless, did play a major, yet forgotten function. At every measure of the revolution, their aid was critical to the guerillas, and at thetime, up until April of 1958, the guerillas recognized this. Afterwards, the aid continued to be necessary, but itwas taken in under Castro s provincial revolution. The inquiry can now be asked: why did the revolutionists, after their triumph, seek so difficult to set up theirrevolution as a provincial revolution? This reply is found in Cuba s unusual category construction at the clip of therevolution. Cuba was non a typical Latin American state ; foremost, its population was 57 % urban and 43 % rural, asopposed to the rural nature of the remainder of Latin America ( Draper, 1962, p.21 ) . It had one of the highest criterions ofliv ing in Latin America, and it was besides one of the most in-between category: figures range from 22 % up to 33 % of thepopulation being in-between category ( Thomas, 1977, p.328 ) . This in-between category was besides unusual because it was a frustratedclass repressed by the economic stagnancy that hindered their professional and fiscal promotion. AlthoughHuberman and Sweezy claim that the peasantry was the most radical of categories, as it was the most marginalized ( 1961, p.80 ) , by other criterions the in-between category would look the most radical, as it was a clear campaigner for arebellion of lifting expectancy. This seems to be the instance, since most of the urban revolutionists were and guerrillaswere of this in-between category. Batista s power was founded with these people, hence he could hold handled a true peasantrevolt because the peasantry was non strong plenty. However, a in-between category revolution could hold been hisdownfall. The constituency of the Cuban rev olution was made up of the in-between category, it derived its support from themiddle category by assuring to honour the fundamental law of 1940 with its broad reforms, and it succeeded without thesignificant worker or peasant support. After the work stoppage of April 1958 the revolution, antecedently a rebellion of the middle-class intellectuals, becameCastro s ain revolution. He made the work stoppage fail to consolidate his power, irrespective of the bloodshed it caused hisfellow revolutionists. This would look to be one of the grounds why he termed it a peasant revolution. He reversedcause and consequence to warrant what happened. He claimed that the triumph was the triumph of a provincials revolution, ofwhich he was simply a front man, swept into the category consciousness of the peasantry. Alternatively he had swept theurban leaders off the phase, and in order to conceal the fact that it was really he and his ain officers who had seizedthe authorities, he created the peasant n ature of the revolution. Then, following up on this lead, one time he was inpower he changed the agricultural reform jurisprudence by adding socialist co-operatives before it was signed, therefore driving awayliberal in-between category in the name of the peasant revolution ( Draper, 1962, p.24 ) . He was so popular at that point that hecould draw such a manoeuvre without a battle, so he consolidated his power and based it, unlike his revolution, onthe peasantry and the workers. The concluding ground why it seems that he constructed the peasant nature of the revolution was to give therevolution the popular support it needed to be accepted in the remainder of Latin America. Our revolution has set anexample for the every other state in Latin America ( Lavan, 1967, p.13 ) , said Che Guevara. As mentioned before, Cuba was far in front of most of Latin America economically, and so most of the remainder of the continent had the potentialfor a echt provincial rebellion. The success of this scheme is apparent in the monolithic popularity of Castro among peasantmovements in Brazil, Bolivia, and Peru ( Goldenberg, 1966, p.313 ) . When he eventually took power, Castro did consequence many societal alterations to better the provincial conditions.Indeed, it does non look that he went through so many transmutations merely to accomplish entire personal power, but thathe was looking finally to consequence extremist societal alteration every bit good. That the manner to these two ends, along with thedistress of foreign policy, all coincided was advantageous. That his fellow in-between category urban revolutionists had tobe removed was simply a cagey necessity But no affair what the state may look like now, or what the leadershave said refering the revolution, it still remains that while the urban revolutionists likely could non havedefeated Batista without Castro, it is certain that Castro could non hold defeated Batista without the urbanrevolutionaries. 310

Theodore Roosevelt Essay Example For Students

Theodore Roosevelt Essay Franklin Delano Roosevelt, (1882-1945), 32nd of the United States. Roosevelt became president in March 1933 at the depth of the Great Depression, was reelected for an unprecedented three more terms, and died in office in April 1945, less than a month before the surrender of Germany in World War II. Despite an attack of poliomyelitis, which paralyzed his legs in 1921, he was a charismatic optimist whose confidence helped sustain the American people during the strains of economic crisis and world war. He was one of Americas most controversial leaders. Conservatives claimed that he undermined states rights and individual liberty. Though Roosevelt labored hard to end the Depression, he had limited success. It was not until 1939 and 1940, with the onset of heavy defense spending before World War II, that prosperity returned. Roosevelt also displayed limitations in his handling of foreign policy. In the 1930s he was slow to warn against the menace of fascism, and during the war he relied too heavily on his charm and personality in the conduct of diplomacy. We will write a custom essay on Theodore Roosevelt specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now Still, Roosevelts historical reputation is deservedly high. In attacking the Great Depression he did much to develop a partial welfare state in the United States and to make the federal government an agent of social and economic reform. His administration indirectly encouraged the rise of organized labor and greatly invigorated the . His foreign policies, while occasionally devious, were shrewd enough to sustain domestic unity and the allied coalition in World War II. Roosevelt was a president of stature. The future president was born on Jan. 30, 1882, at the family estate in Hyde Park, N.Y. His father, James (1828-1900), was descended from Nicholas Roosevelt, whose father had emigrated from Holland to New Amsterdam in the 1640s. One of Nicholas two sons, Johannes, fathered the line that ultimately produced President Theodore Roosevelt. The other son, Jacobus, was James great-great-grandfather. James graduated from Union College (1847) and Harvard Law School, married, had a son, and took over his familys extensive holdings in coal and transportation. Despite substantial losses in speculative ventures, he remained wealthy enough to journey by private railroad car, to live graciously on his Hudson River estate at Hyde Park, and to travel extensively. Four years after his first wife died in 1876, James met and married Sara Delano, a sixth cousin. She, too, was a member of the Hudson River aristocracy. Her father, one of James business associates, had made and lost fortunes in the China trade before settling with his wife and 11 children on the west bank of the Hudson. Sara had sailed to China as a girl, attended school abroad, and moved in high social circles in London and Paris. Though only half her husbands age of 52 at the time of her marriage in 1880, she settled in happily at Hyde Park. Their marriage was serene until broken by James death in 1900. His record at Harvard, which he attended between 1900 and 1904, was only slightly more impressive. Thanks to his excellent preparation at Groton, he was able to complete his course of study for his B.A. in 1903, in only three years. During his fourth year he served as editor of the Crimson, the college newspaper. However, he was not accepted for Porcellian, Harvards most prestigious social club, and he did not receive much stimulation in the classroom. As at Groton, his grades were mediocre, and he showed no excitement about his studies. At this point politics gave him a sense of purpose. The Democratic organization in Dutchess county, the area around Hyde Park, needed a candidate for the New York state Senate in 1910. Party leaders recognized that although Roosevelt had no political experience he had assets as a candidate: the wealth to finance a campaign, and the best-known political name in the United States. Roosevelt worked as never before during the campaign. Acquiring a car, he crisscrossed the county in his quest for support. He showed skill at making himself agreeable to voters and a willingness to listen to the advice of political veterans. As at Groton and Harvard, during his political career he proved open and adaptable. For all these reasons Roosevelt won impressively in the usually Republican district. Roosevelt made an immediate impact in the legislative session of 1911. At that time U. S. senators from New York were elected by the legislature,not by popular vote. The Democrats, with majorities in both houses, prepared to select William F. Sheehan, a transportation and utilities magnate who was the choice of Tammany Hall, New York Citys powerful political machine. A few Democrats balked at the choice. Roosevelt joined them and became their leader. But Roosevelt and his allies took some consolation in having forced the withdrawal of Sheehan and in attracting nationwide attention. It was an auspicious start to a career in politics. As assistant secretary (1913-1920), Franklin Roosevelt reminded many people of TR. He advocated a big Navy, preparedness, a strong presidency, and an active foreign policy. In 1917 he enthusiastically supported war against Germany, and in 1918 he took pleasure in visiting the front in Europe. Sometimes he clashed with Daniels, a progressive with pacifist leanings. But Daniels was tolerant of his subordinate. The secretary appreciated Roosevelts dexterous handling of admirals, departmental employees, and labor unions, which were active in naval yards, and his opposition to the collusive bidding and price-fixing practiced by defense contractors. FDRs years of service as assistant secretary gave him administrative experience and a host of contacts in Washington and the Democratic party. In 1928, Roosevelt vaulted suddenly to national prominence. After helping Smith get the presidential nomination, he set off for Warm Springs, where he looked forward to weeks of therapy. But Smith urgently needed a strong gubernatorial candidate on the Democratic ticket in New York, and he pressured Roosevelt into running. Smith lost the election to Herbert , the Republican presidential candidate, who carried New York by 100,000 votes. Roosevelt, more popular upstate than Smith, successfully bridged the urban-rural gap in the Democratic party and beat his opponent, state Attorney General Albert Ottinger, by 25,000 votes. It was a striking triumph in an otherwise Republican year. During his two terms, Governor Roosevelt battled a Republican legislature for many progressive measures. These included reforestation, state-supported old-age pensions and unemployment insurance, legislation regulating working hours for women and children, and public development of electric power. He named skilled people to important positions, including James Farley, a New York City contractor, as chairman of the state Democratic Committee; Frances Perkins, a social worker, as state industrial commissioner; and Samuel Rosenman, an able young lawyer, as his speech writer and counsel. All became important aides during Roosevelts presidency. In 1931, when the Depression was serious, Roosevelt became the first governor to set up an effective state relief administration. Harry Hopkins, a social worker who later served as his closest adviser in Washington, directed it. In a series of fireside chats Governor Roosevelt also proved a persuasive speaker over the new medium of radio. He was reelected in 1930 by 750,000 votes, the largest margin in state history. By March 4, 1933, when Roosevelt was inaugurated at the age of 51, the economic situation was desperate. Between 13 and 15 million Americans were unemployed. Of these, between 1 and 2 million persons were wandering about the country looking for jobs. Hundreds of thousands squatted in tents or ramshackle dwellings in Hoovervilles, makeshift villages on the outskirts of cities. Panic-stricken people hoping to rescue their deposits had forced 38 states to close their banks. .udf80d8a6e7e5596686b663ecf4e9086f , .udf80d8a6e7e5596686b663ecf4e9086f .postImageUrl , .udf80d8a6e7e5596686b663ecf4e9086f .centered-text-area { min-height: 80px; position: relative; } .udf80d8a6e7e5596686b663ecf4e9086f , .udf80d8a6e7e5596686b663ecf4e9086f:hover , .udf80d8a6e7e5596686b663ecf4e9086f:visited , .udf80d8a6e7e5596686b663ecf4e9086f:active { border:0!important; } .udf80d8a6e7e5596686b663ecf4e9086f .clearfix:after { content: ""; display: table; clear: both; } .udf80d8a6e7e5596686b663ecf4e9086f { display: block; transition: background-color 250ms; webkit-transition: background-color 250ms; width: 100%; opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #95A5A6; } .udf80d8a6e7e5596686b663ecf4e9086f:active , .udf80d8a6e7e5596686b663ecf4e9086f:hover { opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #2C3E50; } .udf80d8a6e7e5596686b663ecf4e9086f .centered-text-area { width: 100%; position: relative ; } .udf80d8a6e7e5596686b663ecf4e9086f .ctaText { border-bottom: 0 solid #fff; color: #2980B9; font-size: 16px; font-weight: bold; margin: 0; padding: 0; text-decoration: underline; } .udf80d8a6e7e5596686b663ecf4e9086f .postTitle { color: #FFFFFF; font-size: 16px; font-weight: 600; margin: 0; padding: 0; width: 100%; } .udf80d8a6e7e5596686b663ecf4e9086f .ctaButton { background-color: #7F8C8D!important; color: #2980B9; border: none; border-radius: 3px; box-shadow: none; font-size: 14px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 26px; moz-border-radius: 3px; text-align: center; text-decoration: none; text-shadow: none; width: 80px; min-height: 80px; background: url(https://artscolumbia.org/wp-content/plugins/intelly-related-posts/assets/images/simple-arrow.png)no-repeat; position: absolute; right: 0; top: 0; } .udf80d8a6e7e5596686b663ecf4e9086f:hover .ctaButton { background-color: #34495E!important; } .udf80d8a6e7e5596686b663ecf4e9086f .centered-text { display: table; height: 80px; padding-left : 18px; top: 0; } .udf80d8a6e7e5596686b663ecf4e9086f .udf80d8a6e7e5596686b663ecf4e9086f-content { display: table-cell; margin: 0; padding: 0; padding-right: 108px; position: relative; vertical-align: middle; width: 100%; } .udf80d8a6e7e5596686b663ecf4e9086f:after { content: ""; display: block; clear: both; } READ: The Metamorphosis EssayFrom the beginning, Roosevelt tried to restore popular confidence. The only thing we have to fear, he said in his inaugural address, is fear itselfnameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror. He added that he would not stand by and watch the Depression deepen. If necessary, he would ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisisbroad executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe. He then closed the rest of the banksdeclaring a bank holidayand called Congress into special session. His first legislative requests were conservative. He began by securing passage of an emergency banking bill. Instead of nationalizing the banksas a few reformers wishedit offered aid to private bankers. A few days later the president forced through an Economy Act that cut $400 million from government payments to veterans and $100 million from the salaries of federal employees. This deflationary measure hurt purchasing power. FDR concluded his early program by securing legalization of beer of 3.2% alcoholic content by weight. By the end of 1933, ratification of the 21st Amendment to the U. S. had ended prohibition altogether. His relief program was more far-reaching. A series of measures took the nation off the gold standard, thereby offering some assistance to debtors and exporters. He also got Congress to appropriate $500 million in federal relief grants to states and local agencies. Harry Hopkins, who headed the newly created Federal Emergency Relief Administration, quickly spent the money. By early 1935 he had supervised the outlay of $1.5 billion more in direct grants, and in work relief under the Civil Works Administration (CWA) of 1933-1934. In 1933, Congress also approved funding for the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), the Home Owners Loan Corporation (HOLC), and the Public Works Administration (PWA). The CCC eventually employed more than 2.5 million young men on valuable conservation work. The HOLC offered desperately needed assistance to mortgagors and homeowners. The PWA, while slow to act, ultimately pumped billions into construction of large-scale projects. Though left-wing critics demanded higher appropriations, most Americans were grateful for these measures. The relief programs of them gave hope to the have-notsblacks and the unemployedand did much to restore confidence in the government. FDR placed his hopes for economic recovery in two agencies created in the productive 100 Days of the 1933 special session of Congress. These were the National Recovery Administration (NRA) and the Agricultural Adjustment Administration (AAA). The NRA encouraged management and labor to establish codes of fair competition within each industry. These codes outlined acceptable pricing and production policies and guaranteed labor the rights of collective bargaining, minimum wages, and maximum hours. The AAA focused on raising farm prices, a goal to be achieved through the setting of production quotas approved by farmers in referenda. Once the quotas limiting production were established, farmers who cooperated would receive subsidies. After a promising start the NRA lost its effectiveness. Union spokesmen grumbled that the courts undercut the labor guarantees. Progressives complained that the NRA exempted monopolies from antitrust prosecution. Small businessmen protested that the codes favored large corporations. Some employers were slow to sign the codes, and others evaded them. If the PWA and other spending agencies had moved more quickly to promote purchasing power, these liabilities might not have been serious. As it was, the PWA was slow to spend its funds, hard times persisted, and evasion spread. Well before the Supreme Court declared the agency unconstitutional in May 1935, the NRA had failed in its aims of sponsoring government-business cooperation and promoting recovery. The AAA was a little more successful. Agricultural income increased by 50% in Roosevelts first term. Some of this increase, however, was attributable to terrible droughts. These, ruining thousands of farmers in the Great Plains, caused cuts in supply and contributed to higher prices for crops produced elsewhere. AAA acreage quotas also led some landlords to evict tenants from their lands. Moreover, as the AAA improved farm prices, it forced consumers, millions of whom lacked adequate food and decent clothing, to pay more for the necessities of life. Roosevelt, it seemed, was fighting scarcity with more scarcity. These early measures displayed Roosevelts strengths and weaknesses as an economic thinker. On the one hand, he showed that he was flexible, that he would act, and that he would use all his executive powers to secure congressional cooperation. Frequent press conferences, speeches, and fireside chatsand the extraordinary charisma that he displayed on all occasionsinstilled a measure of confidence in the people and halted the terrifying slide of 1932 and 1933. These were important achievements that brought him and his party the gratitude of millions of Americans. FDR also refrained from large-scale deficit spending or from tax policies that would have redistributed income. Purchasing power, essential to rapid recovery, therefore failed to increase substantially. Roosevelt, a practical political leader and a moderate in economics, helped preserve capitalism without significantly correcting its abuses or ending the Depression. In 1935, Roosevelt turned slightly to the left. He sponsored bills aimed at abolishing public-utility holding companies, at raising taxes on the wealthy, and at shifting control of monetary policy from Wall Street bankers to Washington. When Congress balked, Roosevelt compromised. The bills revealed Roosevelts loss of faith in government-business cooperation. They helped undercut demagogues like Sen. Huey Long (D-La.), who was agitating for tougher laws against the rich. But they did not signify a commitment to radical, antibusiness policies. While these struggles were taking place, Roosevelt worked successfully for three significant acts passed in 1935. One, a relief appropriation, led to creation of the Works Progress Administration (WPA). The WPA disbursed some $11 billion in work relief to as many as 3.2 million Americans a month between 1935 and 1942. The second measure, the Wagner Act, set up the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), which effectively guaranteed labor the right to bargain collectively on equal terms with management. In part because of the Wagner Act, in part because of overdue militance by spokesmen for industrial unionism, the labor movement swelled in the 1930s and 1940s. The third reform was social security. The law provided for federal payment of old-age pensions and for federal-state cooperation in support of unemployment compensation and relief of the needy blind, of the disabled, and of dependent children. The act, though faulty in many ways, became the foundation of a partial welfare state with which later administrations dared not tamper. Controversy disrupted the presidents second term. His troubles began in February 1937, when he called for a court reform plan that would have permitted him to add up to six judges to the probusiness U.S. Supreme Court. The courts conservative majority had angered FDR by declaring some New Deal legislation, including the NRA and AAA, unconstitutional. Congress, reflecting widespread reverence for the court, refused to do his bidding. At the time, militant workers staged sit-down strikes in factories. Though Roosevelt opposed the sit-downs, conservatives were quick to blame him for the growing activism of organized labor. In the fall of 1937 a sharp recession, caused in large part by cuts in federal spending earlier in the year, staggered the country. Taken aback, Roosevelt waited until the spring of 1938 before calling for increased federal spending to recharge purchasing power. His procrastination revealed again his reluctance to resort to deficit spending. .u1e2d51a312b25f85eda0f7a9601386e9 , .u1e2d51a312b25f85eda0f7a9601386e9 .postImageUrl , .u1e2d51a312b25f85eda0f7a9601386e9 .centered-text-area { min-height: 80px; position: relative; } .u1e2d51a312b25f85eda0f7a9601386e9 , .u1e2d51a312b25f85eda0f7a9601386e9:hover , .u1e2d51a312b25f85eda0f7a9601386e9:visited , .u1e2d51a312b25f85eda0f7a9601386e9:active { border:0!important; } .u1e2d51a312b25f85eda0f7a9601386e9 .clearfix:after { content: ""; display: table; clear: both; } .u1e2d51a312b25f85eda0f7a9601386e9 { display: block; transition: background-color 250ms; webkit-transition: background-color 250ms; width: 100%; opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #95A5A6; } .u1e2d51a312b25f85eda0f7a9601386e9:active , .u1e2d51a312b25f85eda0f7a9601386e9:hover { opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #2C3E50; } .u1e2d51a312b25f85eda0f7a9601386e9 .centered-text-area { width: 100%; position: relative ; } .u1e2d51a312b25f85eda0f7a9601386e9 .ctaText { border-bottom: 0 solid #fff; color: #2980B9; font-size: 16px; font-weight: bold; margin: 0; padding: 0; text-decoration: underline; } .u1e2d51a312b25f85eda0f7a9601386e9 .postTitle { color: #FFFFFF; font-size: 16px; font-weight: 600; margin: 0; padding: 0; width: 100%; } .u1e2d51a312b25f85eda0f7a9601386e9 .ctaButton { background-color: #7F8C8D!important; color: #2980B9; border: none; border-radius: 3px; box-shadow: none; font-size: 14px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 26px; moz-border-radius: 3px; text-align: center; text-decoration: none; text-shadow: none; width: 80px; min-height: 80px; background: url(https://artscolumbia.org/wp-content/plugins/intelly-related-posts/assets/images/simple-arrow.png)no-repeat; position: absolute; right: 0; top: 0; } .u1e2d51a312b25f85eda0f7a9601386e9:hover .ctaButton { background-color: #34495E!important; } .u1e2d51a312b25f85eda0f7a9601386e9 .centered-text { display: table; height: 80px; padding-left : 18px; top: 0; } .u1e2d51a312b25f85eda0f7a9601386e9 .u1e2d51a312b25f85eda0f7a9601386e9-content { display: table-cell; margin: 0; padding: 0; padding-right: 108px; position: relative; vertical-align: middle; width: 100%; } .u1e2d51a312b25f85eda0f7a9601386e9:after { content: ""; display: block; clear: both; } READ: Christopher Columbus EssayThese developments in 1937 and 1938 severely damaged his standing in Congress, which had grown restive under his strong leadership as early as 1935. In FDRs second term, therefore, the lawmakers proved cooperative only long enough to approve measures calling for public housing, fair labor standards, and aid to tenant farmers. None of these acts, however, was generously funded or far-reaching. Meanwhile, Congress cut back presidential requests for relief spending and public works. After Republican gains in the 1938 elections, a predominantly rural conservative coalition in Congress proved still more hostile. Henceforth it rejected most of the urban and welfare measures of Roosevelts administrations. Cordell Hull of Tennessee served as secretary of state from 1933 to 1944, but Roosevelts desire to engage in personal diplomacy left Hull in a reduced role. In 1933 the presidents bombshell message to the London Economic Conference, saying that the United States would not participate in international currency stabilization, ended any immediate hope of achieving that objective. In the same year he extended diplomatic recognition to the USSR, still a relative outcast in world diplomacy. Roosevelt and Hull worked smoothly in behalf of reciprocal trade agreements and in making the United States the good neighbor of the Latin American. By the mid-1930s dictatorial regimes in Germany, Japan, and Italy were casting their shadows across the blank pages of the future. In 1936, in his speech accepting renomination as president, Roosevelt had said, This generation of Americans has a rendezvous with destiny. By 1938, Roosevelt was spending in creasing amounts of time on international affairs. Until then he had acquiesced in congressional neutrality acts designed to keep the United States out of another world war. Roosevelt did not share the isolationist sentiments that lay behind such legislation. But he hoped very much to avoid war, and he dared not risk his domestic program by challenging Congress over foreign policy. For these reasons he was slow to warn the people about the dangers of German fascism. Germanys aggressiveness in 1939 forced Roosevelt to take a tougher stance. Early in the year he tried unsuccessfully to secure revision of a neutrality act calling for an embargo on armaments to all belligerents, whether attacked or attacker. When Hitler overran Poland in September and triggered the formal beginning of World War II, Roosevelt tried again for repeal of the embargo, and succeeded. In 1940 he negotiated an unneutral deal with Britain whereby the British leased their bases in the Western Hemisphere to the United States in return for 50 overaged American destroyers. Roosevelt also secured vastly increased defense expenditures, which brought about domestic economic recovery at last. But he still hoped to keep out of the war and to appease the anti-interventionists in Congress. Thus he remained cautious. To protect the supplies against German submarines, U.S. destroyers began escorting convoys of Allied ships part way across the Atlantic. In the process the destroyers helped pinpoint the location of submarines, which Allied warships duly attacked. Roosevelt did not tell the people about Americas unneutral actions on the high seas. When a German submarine fired a torpedo at the American destroyer Greer in September 1941, he feigned surprise and outrage and ordered U. S. warships to shoot on sight at hostile German ships. By December the United States and Germany were engaged in an undeclared war on the Atlantic. Most historians agree that Hitler was a menace to Western civilization, that American intervention was necessary to stop him, and that domestic isolationism hampered the presidents freedom of response. But they regret that Roosevelt, in seeking his ends, chose to deceive the people and to abuse his powers. Historians also debate Roosevelts policies toward Japan, whose leaders were bent on expansion in the 1930s. Hoping to contain this expansion, the president gradually tightened an embargo of vital goods to Japan. He also demanded that Japan halt its aggressive activities in China and Indochina. Instead of backing down, the militarists who controlled Japan decided to fight, by attacking Pearl Harbor in Hawaii on Dec. 7, 1941, and by assaulting the East Indies. These moves left no doubt about Japans aggressive intentions. In asking for a declaration of war, the president called December 7 a date which will live in infamy. He brought a united America into World War II. By December 11, the United States was at war with Germany and Italy. Some historians argue, however, that Roosevelt should not have been so unbudging regarding the integrity of China and Indochina, which lay outside Americas national interestor power to protect. If Roosevelt had adopted a more flexible policy toward Japan, he might have postponed a conflict in Asia at a time when war with Hitler was about to erupt. Roosevelts military policies also provoked controversy. In 1941 critics blamed him for leaving Pearl Harbor unprepared. Extremists even claimed that he invited the Japanese attack in order to have a pretext for war. In 1942 liberals complained when he cooperated with Jean Darlan, the Vichy French admiral who until then had been collaborating with the Axis, in planning the Allied invasion of North Africa. In 1943, FDRs opponents grumbled that his policy of unconditional surrender for the enemy discouraged the anti-Hitler resistance within Germany. Other critics complained that he relied too heavily on strategic bombing. His own generals were angry because he postponed the second front against Hitler until June 1944. Such delay, critics added later, infuriated the Soviet Union, which had to carry the brunt of the fighting against Hitler between 1941 and 1944, and sowed the seeds of the Cold War. Some of these criticisms were partly justified. Poor communications between Washington and Hawaii helped the Japanese achieve surprise at Pearl Harbor. Dealing with Darlan was probably not necessary to ensure success in North Africa. Strategic bombing killed millions of civilians and was not nearly so effective as its advocates claimed. The delay in the second front greatly intensified Soviet suspicions of the West. But it is easy to second-guess and to exaggerate Roosevelts failings as a military leader. The president neither invited nor welcomed the Pearl Harbor attack, which was a brilliantly planned maneuver by Japan. He worked with Darlan in the hope of preventing unnecessary loss of Allied lives. Unconditional surrender, given American anger at the enemy, was a politically logical policy. It also proved reassuring to the Soviet Union, which had feared a separate German-American peace. Establishing the second front required control of the air and large supplies of landing craft, and these were not assured until 1944. In many of these decisions Roosevelt acted in characteristically pragmatic fashionto win the war as effectively as possible and to keep the wartime alliance together. In these aims he was successful. By 1945, Roosevelt was 63 years old. The events early in that year added to the strains on his heart, and on April 12, 1945, he died suddenly at Warm Springs, Ga. Three days later he was buried at Hyde Park. Despite his limitations, he had been a strong, decent, and highly popular president for more than 12 years. Category: Biographies